Wednesday, October 16, 2024

Climate cash floods swing states. Do voters care?

Your guide to the political forces shaping the energy transformation
Oct 16, 2024 View in browser
 
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By Arianna Skibell

President Joe Biden speaks about manufacturing jobs and the economy at SK Siltron CSS, a computer chip factory in Bay City, Michigan, on Nov. 29, 2022.

President Joe Biden speaks about manufacturing jobs and the economy at SK Siltron CSS, a computer chip factory in Bay City, Michigan, on Nov. 29, 2022. | Patrick Semansky/AP

Swing states stand to lose more than most if former President Donald Trump wins the White House and makes good on his promise to claw back funding in the Democrats’ climate law.

The seven states that could decide November's presidential election have attracted more than 40 percent of the clean energy manufacturing projects announced since the 2022 law was signed, writes Jean Chemnick.

But as Robin Bravender writes, it's unclear whether that will make any difference to voters. With just three weeks to go until the Nov. 5 election, Trump and Democratic nominee Kamala Harris are neck and neck in the polls in the battleground states of Arizona, Nevada, North Carolina, Georgia, Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania.

“It’s really hard to draw a direct line between the stimulus spending and voters’ attitudes towards the election,” said David Wasserman, a senior editor and elections analyst for the Cook Political Report. “What’s striking to me is that Democrats didn’t gain much ground in the last several years by talking about their accomplishments on infrastructure or the Inflation Reduction Act in general.”

The IRA pumped hundreds of billions of dollars into clean energy, including in the form of loans and tax credits that have spurred a boom in domestic manufacturing. But almost 71 percent of Americans said they had heard little or nothing about the law, according to a Washington Post-University of Maryland poll conducted in July. (Results from a POLITICO-Morning Consult poll in April were only slightly more positive.)

And Harris has largely avoided touting the administration’s historic climate investment on the campaign trail.

“These direct benefits are things that you would think they would be trying to promote pretty heavily,” said Michael Hanmer, director of the UMD’s Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement, which sponsored the July poll. “Especially if — either naturally or with a little bit of strategic guidance — it happens to be in places where the election is going to be a close call.”

Three studies, one takeaway

The full economic benefits of the climate law have yet to take effect. Much of the $370 billion in clean energy funds remains unspent.

Still, analysts agree that states in the Rust Belt and Sun Belt have seen a disproportionate share of the law’s benefits, as factories to make electric cars and their batteries flock to long-standing centers of U.S. auto manufacturing.

An Atlas Public Policy analysis produced for POLITICO’s E&E News found that 44 percent of the clean energy manufacturing projects announced since the climate law was signed are headed to seven swing states. A separate analysis from the climate research firm Energy Innovation puts that share at 48 percent, while the business group E2 found that the states have attracted more than half of the $119.2 billion in manufacturing investment.

Much of that money has poured into red districts represented by some of the climate law’s most fervent critics, as Robin writes. For example, Republican Rep. Richard Hudson, whose North Carolina district has seen $12.8 billion in IRA-fueled investment, called the law a “highly partisan scam that cost too much.”

Meanwhile, Trump and his running mate, Ohio Sen. JD Vance, have repeatedly referred to the law as the “Green New Scam” during swing state appearances.

 

It's Wednesday  thank you for tuning in to  POLITICO's Power Switch. I'm your host, Arianna Skibell. Power Switch is brought to you by the journalists behind E&E News and POLITICO Energy. Send your tips, comments, questions to askibell@eenews.net.

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Listen to today’s POLITICO Energy podcast

Today in POLITICO Energy’s podcast: Zack Colman breaks down why people in North Carolina aren’t taking advantage of the billions of dollars Congress has allocated to help people relocate after natural disasters.

Power Centers

The U.S. Supreme Court is seen.

The U.S. Supreme Court is seen in Washington on Sept. 30. | Francis Chung/POLITICO

SCOTUS won’t block Biden’s power plant climate rule
The Supreme Court on Wednesday declined to temporarily freeze the Biden administration’s rule curbing carbon pollution from the power sector — but some of the justices indicated that the legal battle over EPA’s regulation is far from over, write Niina H. Farah and Pamela King.

A stay had been sought by a coalition of red states and utility and coal industry groups, but the justices voted against blocking the rule, writes Alex Guillén.

White House cements ‘clean’ construction deals
Companies and state and local governments are making new pledges to produce and use low-carbon cement in infrastructure, writes Brian Dabbs.

The commitments are from New York state, New York City, Los Angeles, Michigan and Washington state, as well as major cement producers, technology giants like Amazon and real estate companies. They come amid doubts about whether heavy industries like steel and concrete are reducing emissions fast enough to meet climate targets.

Why North Carolinians may shun federal buyouts after Helene
Congress has poured billions of dollars into programs to buy out homeowners and help them relocate to safer areas after natural disasters. But they’re not expected to win over many residents in flood-ravaged rural North Carolina, writes Zack Colman.

That's in part because there are few affordable places left in the area after Helene. And many people want to hold on to their properties, some of which have been in the family for generations.

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That's it for today, folks! Thanks for reading.

 

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Arianna Skibell @ariannaskibell

 

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