Global Britain — Values vs. interests The U.K.'s Boris Johnson is torn between joining Biden in the aspirational language on democracy and how to position his "Global Britain" economically outside the EU. Long gone are the days when Britain's David Cameron courted Chinese leader Xi Jinping in a Buckinghamshire pub, but the Cabinet is still divided on whether to use the U.K.'s newfound freedom to pursue a trade or investment agreement with China. And as host of the next climate change conference in December, the U.K. wants to cooperate with China, too. Still, the Johnson government deserves kudos for the often underreported "Democracies 11 initiative," inviting Australia, India, South Africa and South Korea to the G-7 meeting (India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi attended virtually due to the Covid-19 crisis at home). In Cornwall, the leaders agreed to an Open Societies Statement that clearly labeled the threats to democracy from "rising authoritarianism." That shows that a grouping of democracies can be more than an old and poor Western club — which has been one criticism that Chinese state-controlled outlets have peddled about the G-7. Germany — BMWs to sell For six years in a row, China has been Germany's largest trading partner and the growth continued even during the pandemic. It has also meant an increasing strategic dependence to which German Chancellor Angela Merkel has been prone to turning the other cheek when economics are involved. Just think about the dependency on Russia with the gas pipeline Nord Stream 2. I warned about the increasing German economic dependency on China back in 2012. That is now part and parcel of Merkel's legacy. Now, the real question is how a post-Merkel leadership will approach China. Any Green Party involvement in the new government this fall means a tougher line on China and human rights, but perhaps less interest in partnering with the U.S. France — De Gaulle lives on French President Emmanuel Macron has his pet project of European strategic autonomy. He doesn't want to saddle France into — as junior partner — a U.S. showdown with China. At the NATO summit, Macron said dismissively that the discussion on China could end up "distracting NATO." And although France is the birth country of freedom, equality and fraternity, the club of democracies approach has never been in vogue. Central and Eastern Europe get tough Most of the Central and Eastern Europeans have accepted the new "transatlantic bargain" with the Biden administration to demonstrate a tougher line on China, especially as the U.S. maintains a tough line on Russia in NATO. Lithuania recently broke out of the cooperation framework 17+1. That framework was established by China with only some EU-member states — a Trojan horse for European unity on China issues. The Czech Senate has just labeled the Chinese government's treatment of Uyghurs in Xinjiang a genocide. Only Viktor Orbán's Hungary continues to flirt with China and to spoil EU unity. Europe — The super tanker is moving Within such limitations, Europe is inching toward a tougher China policy. China's actions, including the recent sanctions against European elected members of parliament, has played its part. Still, the trade relationship is much deeper than the American one. Even pondering decoupling from the Chinese economy still sends shudders up the spine of any European official. Establishing a solid EU-U.S. front demands continued work ahead. It can't be achieved in a week of summitry. If the ambition is to set free-world standards on emerging technology in the EU-U.S. Trade and Technology Council, then agreement must first be found on transatlantic data flows. The temporary truce on the Boeing-Airbus dispute shows that trust is still only being gradually rebuilt. On high-speed internet networks, the next frontline should be to create joint transatlantic research and collaboration on 6G and beyond; shutting Huawei out of 5G remains a temporary measure. During the G-7 summit, the leaders unveiled an infrastructure lending program for developing nations to rival China's Belt and Road Initiative. But if democracies seriously want to launch an alternative to the Belt and Road program, they need more than a G-7 statement and pocket change. There is work ahead for the democracies of the world to outcompete China's authoritarianism. Next stop is Biden's planned Summit for Democracy. And now, back to your regular China Watcher programming… — A tech update from Protocol | China.Protocol | China, backed by Robert Allbritton, publisher of Protocol and POLITICO, tracks the intersection of technology and policy in the world's largest country. Sign up for the newsletter and learn more about Protocol's research here. This week's coverage includes an investigation into Amazon aggregators' China business, a detailed look at DiDi's U.S. IPO, and a report that accuses Apple of censoring LGBTQ+-related apps in China. TRANSLATING WASHINGTON — BIDEN WATCHING XI, PUTIN FRIENDSHIP: "Earlier this month, Russian and Chinese officials celebrated an anniversary — while offering up a veiled challenge to the United States," POLITICO's Nahal Toosi reported Monday. "Twenty years after signing the 'Treaty of Good-Neighborliness, Friendship and Cooperation ,' the Chinese-Russian relationship has achieved new heights and is poised to reach a 'larger scale, broader field, and deeper level,' Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said in a video message to a think tank forum, according to a readout from the Chinese Foreign Ministry. "In his video speech to the forum, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov declared, according to a Russian readout, that 'Moscow and Beijing are consistent supporters of the formation of a more just, democratic and therefore stable polycentric system of world order.' "Hyperbole? To some degree, yes. Hypocrisy? On some fronts, for sure. But to the Biden administration, such lovey-dovey rhetoric between Moscow and Beijing cannot be ignored. "In fact, U.S. wariness over the Russia-China relationship has grown to the point where high-level American strategists are weighing how to factor it in as they try to orient U.S. foreign policy to focus more on a rising China. For many years, the relationship between China and Russia appeared to be limited to tactical cooperation or temporary partnerships of convenience, a senior Biden administration official told POLITICO in an interview. More recently, however, it seems to be transforming into something more sustained and strategic." — NAVAL TASK FORCE TO COUNTER CHINA: POLITICO's Lara Seligman reported Tuesday that the U.S. is considering a permanent naval task force in the Pacific to counter China. "The plan would also involve creating a named military operation for the Pacific that would enable the defense secretary to allocate additional dollars and resources to the China problem, said the people, who requested anonymity to discuss pre-decisional plans. "The two initiatives, which are not yet finalized, would add muscle to President Joe Biden 's tough talk on China and send a signal that the new U.S. administration is serious about cracking down on Beijing's military buildup and aggressive behavior in the Pacific region. "The news comes as NATO leaders are increasingly aligning themselves with Washington's confrontational stance on Beijing. Four years after former President Donald Trump made countering China a top foreign policy priority, NATO allies this week declared Beijing a security challenge and said the Chinese are working to undermine global order." |
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